Organized crime

On “marinetraffic.com”, thousands of triangles fill a map of the world’s ports and oceans, each representing the active location and destination of a ship, reported the “McGill International Review” (April 16, 2026) adding,” suspicious tankers are plentiful among them.” One of these vessels, marked by a red triangle, appears, zoomed, as “Monique”, a twenty-year-old vessel, aka Tokyo, Phuket and Elysia. Its old age and the frequent name change, suspects reporter Julnar Alzuki, “indic ...

Fuel access has become a strategic pressure point across Mali and its neighbors. In 2025, Jama’t Nusrat al Islam wal- Muslimeen (JNIM) shifted from sporadic interdictions to a deliberate fuel-blockade strategy intended to pressure Bamako without holding territory. By selectively constraining movement along the Sikasso–Kayes–Bamako corridor, the group turned fuel scarcity into a tool of coercion, governance, and narrative control—shaping behavior in the capital while remaining largel ...

The U.S. military buildup in the Caribbean—the most significant since the Cuban Missile Crisis—comes at a moment when a new world order is taking shape, its contours still unclear, and in which the U.S. seeks to be more assertive in the Western Hemisphere. This disposition toward South America and the Caribbean was underscored by the recent publication of the new U.S. National Security Strategy, in which the Monroe Doctrine is explicitly invoked. This Policy Brief situates the devel ...

Although the crises affecting the Sahel have been widely analysed through the lenses of armed groups, state fragility and geopolitics, much less is known about how women experience insurgent governance in their everyday lives. This is particularly pertinent to members of the pastoralist Peuhl ethnic group, which has been strategically targeted for recruitment by the Central Sahel’s dominant Islamist armed group, Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), as a means of facilitating ...

This Paper was originally published on transatlantic.org The contemporary maritime domain is increasingly recognized as a geopolitical and economic space, but also as an environment intertwined with human, social, ecological, and governance systems ashore. The United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR 2024) report argues that maritime security has evolved from a narrow naval and state-centered concern into a multidimensional issue embedded in global human s ...

An estimated 600,000 Haitians live legally on US soil, most of them in New York City and Florida. Another 500,000 are waiting—certainly in vain—for entry papers. In September, the Trump government ended a special “Temporary Protected Status” for an estimated 300,000 Haitian migrants, and possibly another 500,000 migrants temporarily settled in the U.S., including Afghans, Cubans, Nicaraguans, and Venezuelans. The Trump regime is claiming that the violence-plagued Caribbean nation of ...

تعيش منطقة الساحل مرحلة غير مسبوقة من تصاعد العنف السياسي والإرهاب، إذ أصبحت منذ 2025 مسؤولة عن أكثر من نصف الوفيات المرتبطة بالإرهاب عالميًا. هذا التحول يعكس فشل الدول في استعادة ثقة المواطنين، وانهيار المؤسسات الأمنية، وتراجع الوجود الدولي، ما أفسح المجال لتوسع الجماعات المسلحة مثل “نصرة الإسلام والمسلمين” و”تنظيم الدولة في الصحراء الكبرى”. جاءت الانقلابات المتتالية في مالي وبوركينا فاسو والنيجر كنتيجة لأزمات داخلية بنيوية عمّقت هشاشة الحكمتشهد المنطقة تفاوتًا في أنماط العنف؛ فبور ...

L’extrémisme violent au Sahel trouve ses racines dans une combinaison de facteurs historique, politique et socio-économique, tels que l’instabilité étatique, la marginalisation de certaines communautés et l’influence d’idéologies transnationales. Ce Papier retrace l’émergence et l’expansion de groupes comme Al-Qaïda au Maghreb Islamique (AQMI) et l’État islamique au Grand Sahara (EIGS), ainsi que leur fragmentation, illustrée par la création de nouveaux groupes, comme le ...

More than two years ago I wrote in a report: “The current downward security trends in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso should serve as a wake-up call for the states in the Gulf of Guinea, mainly Ivory Coast, Ghana, Togo, and Benin.” Recent attacks in the northern Ivory Coast and Benin show that signs of earlier years now have taken on unique characteristics. Signs of the expansion of violent extremist organizations (VEOs) to coastal states have been there since at least since 2015. The ...

La situation sécuritaire dans le Sahel central est à ce point dégradée que la menace djihadiste déborde désormais sur la partie nord des pays côtiers d’Afrique de l’Ouest. Les régions de l’Est et des Cascades au Burkina Faso ou celles de Sikasso et de Kayes au Mali constituent des bases arrière permettant aux groupes djihadistes – et principalement à la Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) pour l’instant – de s’étendre au Bénin, en Côte d’Ivoire, et dans une moindre mesure au T ...

Dans un contexte de gouvernance complexe, où autorités traditionnelles et modernes se côtoient même si leur pouvoir décroît, le Mali connait depuis de nombreuses années une situation sécuritaire alarmante, notamment dans le centre du pays. La montée des tensions entre communautés agricoles et pastorales est aggravée par la présence de groupes extrémistes. La population du Cercle de Niono, dans la région de Ségou, a été victime de violences inouïes pendant plusieurs mois avant que de ...

Events in the Sahel, and Mali especially, are taking an uncertain and worrying turn. Mali witnessed two coups d’état in less than a year, while the West African Sahel went through its most violent year yet and there are no signs that the violence is slowing down. In the midst of this unprecedented instability, recent developments involving Mali’s transitional government and the international community, France in particular, provide no assurances that things are likely to improve any ...

In the Sahel, and Central Mali in particular, the proliferation of armed groups over the past decade has resulted in formal and informal non-state governance structures. This paper assesses the various definitions and typologies associated with rebel and jihadist governance in order to better understand the mechanisms of governance provision used by key non-state governance providers in Central Mali.   ...