Publications /
Opinion

Back
Is the Two State Solution Really Dead?
Authors
December 17, 2025

I recently participated in a discussion between Israelis and Arabs, some living in the Middle East, some living abroad[1]. The discussion topic was ‘The Two State Solution’. This article presents my personal takeaways from the discussion. It does not try to describe the details, and other participants may have different takeaways.

I joined the discussion thinking that the two-state solution was dead. Most of the other participants felt the same way—all very pessimistic. But I left feeling more optimistic than when I arrived. Israelis and Arabs sharing the same pessimism makes me think that someday we may share a solution to end our pessimism, giving us more hope about our region’s future.

Some Israeli participants raised the issue of the rise of antisemitism in the United States and Europe. The Arab participants also stressed that they were victims of racism and Islamophobia. Antisemitism and Islamophobia are both unacceptable. Holding a whole group of innocent people responsible for things they cannot control, even though they might be done in their name (e.g. Islamist terrorism, or Israeli actions in Gaza) is unacceptable. Arabs and Jews should unite to fight racism, antisemitism, and Islamophobia. The murder on December 14 of Jews celebrating Hannukah in Australia underlines the importance for all peace-loving people to stand up against terrorism, and against all attacks on innocent civilians.

Gaza Reconstruction

The discussion began with the war in Gaza. Surprisingly, there was a semblance of a consensus. Arabs and Israelis agreed that Hamas needs to leave Gaza, opening the way for other Palestinians (still to be defined) to govern. It was also agreed that Gaza reconstruction this time around (the fifth in less than twenty years) must be different.

Gaza reconstruction should go beyond rebuilding damaged physical structures, and should be aimed at creating a thriving and inclusive economy, with a view to combatting radicalization[2]. The high unemployment rate among educated young people in Gaza (60% before October 7, 2023) led them to feel excluded, creating fertile ground for radical and extremist ideologies. For Gaza’s economy to flourish, and to provide opportunities to all Gazans and hope for its young people, it must no longer be a large maximum-security prison[3]. The blockade needs to end, and Gaza must be open to the world[4].

Normalization and the Two State Solution

The group discussed the Abraham Accords and the normalization of relations between Israel and the Arab World. Israel has a lot to offer to Arab countries in terms of advanced technology in many fields, including the digital economy, agriculture, and food security. The Arab world can offer Israel a great deal in terms of capital investment and markets for its products.

The group understood that to fully integrate Israel into the broader Middle East economy—which would be in the interest of the whole region— the Palestinian-Israeli conflict must be resolved. Different alternatives were discussed: (1) one state that will be democratic but not Jewish; (2) one state that is Jewish but with an apartheid system (more or less the current status quo); (3) two separate states; and (4) two states with some kind of link. The consensus was for two states—option 3 or 4. Israelis want to protect the ‘Jewishness’ of their country, and nobody supported maintenance of an apartheid state. The late Martin Indyk was right when he wrote in 2024: “if the conflict is to be resolved peacefully, the two-state solution is the only idea left standing.”

The group did not go into the details of the relationship between the two states. My view is that it will be very difficult to agree on hard borders between two states, because of the Israeli settlements in the West Bank and the need for Palestinian workers in Israel. It may be easier to first agree that the borders are to be ‘soft borders’, allowing Israelis to live and work in Palestine, and Palestinians to live and work in Israel. This effectively means an economic union between Israel and Palestine, which would have many benefits but also some complications.

The group agreed that the priority is to create an atmosphere of trust between all parties. In the short run, it is important that Israelis and Palestinians feel secure. As security issues are resolved and some trust is restored, negotiations on a final peace could proceed. Cooperation on Gaza reconstruction could also open up another channel for dialogue and trust-building between the two sides.

Politics and Peace

The last question addressed by the group was: if most people agree on what needs to be done to bring peace to the region, why isn’t it happening? A part of the answer is that October 7 and its aftermath have created so much animosity and hatred on both sides that it is very difficult to reach an agreement. 

There is also a leadership problem. The Palestinian leadership lacks credibility and legitimacy; it is old and out of touch with the realities of Palestinians’ daily lives. The Israeli leadership has been hijacked by right-wing extremists and Jewish supremacists. It is hard to see how anything good could happen without leadership change, in both Palestine and Israel.  Some participants were optimistic that the next Israeli elections would bring to power a less extremist governing coalition, and that reforms of the Palestinian Authority (as part of the Gaza peace agreement) would lead to a renewal of Palestinian leadership. 

Hoping for a Better Future

Two days after this discussion I was at an international conference, seated near a young Israeli woman. When it was her turn to speak, she said “I am from the Middle East which is the most divided region in the world.”

I hope that in thirty years or so this woman’s daughter would be sitting next to her Palestinian colleague at a similar conference and would say, “I am from Israel, my neighbor is from Palestine, we are from the Middle East, the most united region in the world.” 


 


[1] Held under Chatham house rules.

[2] For more on Gaza reconstruction see my October 2025 policy brief, here.

[3] The Israeli historian and political scientist Ilan Pappe used the term ‘maximum security prison’ to describe Gaza in his 2019 book.

[4] Both the IMF (2023) and the World Bank (2004) have highlighted the importance of ending the blockade for Gaza’s economic development.

RELATED CONTENT

  • Authors
    December 17, 2025
    I recently participated in a discussion between Israelis and Arabs, some living in the Middle East, some living abroad[1]. The discussion topic was ‘The Two State Solution’. This article presents my personal takeaways from the discussion. It does not try to describe the details, and other participants may have different takeaways.I joined the discussion thinking that the two-state solution was dead. Most of the other participants felt the same way—all very pessimistic. But I left fe ...
  • Authors
    November 28, 2025
    The adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 2803 on November 17, 2025, endorsing the “Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict,” is a step in the right direction, but it must be accompanied by the implementation of a Gaza development and post-conflict reconstruction program. Paragraph 6 of Resolution 2803 “calls upon the World Bank and other financial institutions to facilitate and provide financial resources to support the reconstruction and development of Ga ...
  • Authors
    November 28, 2025
    Le 17 novembre 2025, le Conseil de sécurité de l’Organisation des Nations Unies (ONU) a adopté la résolution 2803 par laquelle il fait sien le Plan d’ensemble du Président Donald Trump ayant pour objectif de mettre fin au conflit à Gaza. Contrairement à ce qu’on pourrait croire, l’initiative américaine ne date pas du 2ème mandat de l’Administration Trump. Elle a vu le jour durant son premier mandat.  Le Plan entériné par la résolution du Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU, surnommé ‘ ...
  • October 27, 2025
    L’« Accord sur Gaza » d’octobre 2025, imposé aux parties au conflit -Israël et le Hamas-  par le président américain Donald Trump, et le « Sommet de la paix de Sharm el-Sheikh », ont permis d’ouvrir une perspective pour un arrêt des hostilités et l’acheminement de l’aide humanitaire vers la bande de Gaza, en attendant la négociation de la seconde phase devant consolider le cessez-le-feu et préparer la paix dans la Région. Si l’implication du Hamas dans les négociations rel ...
  • Authors
    April 11, 2025
    Syria’s post-conflict transition, marked by the fall of the Assad regime and the appointment of interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa, will be a critical opportunity for renewal while confronting significant challenges. The country must navigate a complex landscape of political fragmentation, economic hardship, and security risks. This policy brief explores Syria’s prospects for reconstruction and long-term stability by assessing recent political reforms, economic recovery strategies, a ...
  • September 4, 2024
    History is unfolding before our eyes. These are days that could define the future of our world. The United Nations is calling for a “Summit for the Future,” promising “Multilateral Solutions for a Better Tomorrow.” This vision will take shape on September 23-24, 2024, in New York City. António Guterres, the Secretary-General of the UN since January 2017, has championed this summit as “a once-in-a-generation opportunity to reinvigorate global action, recommit to fundamental principle ...
  • Authors
    June 3, 2024
    La dynamique qui anime aujourd’hui le conflit israélo-palestinien, notamment la guerre que mènent à Gaza les troupes du Tsahal et les combattants du Hamas, appuyés par le Jihad islamique et les autres factions armées palestiniennes, laisse espérer un accord entre les parties prenantes pour mettre fin à une guerre qui a généré des dizaines de milliers de morts et de blessés. Espoirs nourris par le dernier discours (31 mai) du président américain qui détaille, on ne peut plus clair, l ...
  • Authors
    January 30, 2024
    الحرب بطبيعتها ليست عملية حسابية. فمن حيث الاستراتيجية العسكرية، لا تعتبر عملية الجمع دائما إضافة، ولا عملية الطرح تنقيصا. فعملية الضرب لا ُتضخِّم كما أن القسمة لا ُتقلل. وإذا كانت الوسائل هي بالتأكيد ميزة في الحرب، فإن نتيجة الصراعات (النصر أو الهزيمة) لا تعتمد فقط على هذه الوسائل، ذلك ان الحرب تكشف عن صمود المجتمع وليس عن قوة الجيش فقط. فالحرب ُتظهر ارتباط القوة العسكرية بصلابة الجبهة الداخلية المرتبطة بدورها إلى حد كبير بالتماسك الاجتماعي. و ليس لهذا الأخير وحدة قياس، ف ...
  • Authors
    January 23, 2024
    On November 13, 1974 (YouTube, Nov 14), Yassir Arafat appeared in front of the United Nations General Assembly. He reminded his audience and the world that, “today I have come bearing an olive branch and a freedom fighter’s gun. Do not let the olive branch fall from my hand.” Almost half a century has passed since then, and Arafat as well, and there is still no olive branch for the Palestinians, only the gun. Before the current Israel-Gaza war, noted the respected Foreign Affairs ...
  • Authors
    January 5, 2024
    La guerre n’est, par sa nature, pas arithmétique. En matière de stratégie militaire, ni l’addition est toujours un ajout ni la soustraction une diminution. La multiplication n’amplifie pas comme la division ne réduit pas. Les moyens sont certes un avantage dans la guerre, mais l’issue des conflits (victoire ou défaite) n’en dépendent pas exclusivement. La guerre révèle la résilience d’une société et pas seulement la puissance d’une armée. Mieux, elle montre la dépendance de la puiss ...