Publications /
Policy Brief

Back
Cooperation Against Transnational Crime: The Case of the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic
Authors
Mostapha Mouzouni
January 23, 2017

Cooperation against transnational crime in the North Atlantic region is highly institutionalized in the framework of regional organizations that are reinforced by ancestral identities. Europol and the U.S. Joint Interagency Task Force-South are exemplary in this regard. The South Atlantic region, however, is less institutionalized, making the study of such cooperation a difficult exercise. With the exception of some actions initiated by specialized international organizations, there is little tangible cooperation at the regional level against transnational crime. Yet the idea of establishing South-South security cooperation between Africa and Latin America is not new. In the 1980s, at the initiative of Brazil, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution establishing a Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZOPACAS), with the aim of promoting mutual assistance, peace, and security in the region.1 ZOPACAS consists of 24 countries, including Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay from the Latin American side, and all countries on the West African coast, except for Morocco and Mauritania. Having been conceived in the Cold War context, it was the realist security paradigm of self-help by states in asymmetric power relationships that originally led to the creation of this zone, in particular hostility toward any foreign military presence in the region. This organization could have taken advantage of the shift in threat perception after the fall of the Berlin Wall to refocus on unconventional threats, particularly transnational organized crime and terrorism. However, although cooperation projects have been developed for this purpose through ZOPACAS, their implementation has not been successful for several reasons related to the absence of a common threat perception and lack of institutionalization. This chapter discusses these two phenomena and their consequences.

RELATED CONTENT

  • Authors
    Patrick Kabanda
    November 10, 2026
    Cultural trade is a dynamic engine for economic diversification in the New South. Despite decades of diversification rhetoric, however, this sector remains underrealized. Thus, many countries across Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, Asia, and the Middle East are still commodity-dependent, even though the global creative economy has grown roughly eightfold since 2002, to surpass $2 trillion—that figure, moreover, does not even account for the nonmonetary benefits that merit co ...
  • Authors
    Giovanna Rinaldo
    November 4, 2026
    Brazil’s presidential election, which concluded on October 25, 2026, was above all a digital battle. This is nothing new; the impact of social media on elections has been widely analyzed since Barack Obama's 2008 win marked a turning point for digital campaigning worldwide. Almost two decades later, social media is an entirely different breed, with a life of its own – and still very little regulation within electoral politics. The danger, however, is that digital players now also in ...
  • Authors
    Bambang Brodjonegoro
    November 2, 2026
    This policy note was published as part of the T20 U.S. 2026 Workstreams, under the workstream “Fostering Trade and People-Centered Economic Growth,” which brings together policy experts to develop recommendations for G20 policymakers. The Group of Twenty (G20) accounts for most of the world’s output, yet its decisions shape the prospects of 174 United Nations Member States without G20 membership, among them the great majority of least developed countries and small states. Many ...
  • Authors
    October 29, 2026
    Wars are decided by those who hold military power, but their costs are increasingly borne by those who have little or no voice in the decisions that start them. The US–Iran war shows this imbalance very clearly. Its economic consequences have gone far beyond the battlefield and have disrupted energy markets, trade routes, food supplies, public finances and investment in the Gulf, Europe, Africa and Asia. The most striking feature of the conflict, however, is not only the size of the ...
  • October 22, 2026
    Strategic hedging is rational when it preserves a worthwhile choice at a tolerable cost while respecting existing commitments. Drawing on the literature on hedging and Latin American autonomy, this Policy Brief examines contrasting illustrations of that proposition. It distinguishes ambiguity about future alignment from uncertainty about existing obligations and explains how clearly bounded commitments can reconcile autonomy with credibility. The cases reveal different vulnerabiliti ...
  • October 15, 2026
    The Policy Center for the New South, in partnership with The Asian Network, is organizing a webinar titled “Emerging Powers and the Remaking of Global Order” to examine the growing role of emerging powers and the Global South at a time of profound transformation in the international sys...
  • Authors
    October 13, 2026
    “Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed.”President Dwight Eisenhower, April 16, 1953 This paper examines the economic and human impacts of the first six months of the Iran war—from February to the end of August 2026—on Iran’s Arab neighbors and compares these impacts with those on the three countries directly involved—Iran, Israel and t ...