Publications /
Opinion

Back
Why the UN Should Move to Shanghai
September 19, 2025

Few symbols capture the post-war international order as vividly as the United Nations headquarters in New York. Officially opened in 1952, the building was conceived as both the stage of global governance and the emblem of Allied victory. Yet, nearly eight decades later, it is worth asking whether its location still reflects the true centre of gravity of world affairs. As the 80th Ordinary Session of the United Nations General Assembly approaches, economic transformation, geopolitical realignment, and the rise of alternative institutions suggest reconsidering whether New York remains the most appropriate seat. In this context, relocating the United Nations to Shanghai appears not only plausible but increasingly necessary.

The first reason concerns the waning centrality of the US dollar. In recent decades, Washington has increasingly weaponized its currency, imposing unilateral sanctions and excluding adversaries from the SWIFT system. Such practices erode trust in the international monetary order and accelerate the search for alternatives. The emergence of the BRICS New Development Bank and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank illustrates the consolidation of a multipolar financial architecture. Maintaining the UN headquarters in the very country that has weakened the system it claims to uphold is both contradictory and outdated.

The second reason is demographic and economic. Asia is home to more than half of humanity and now drives the fastest and most dynamic growth rates globally. Today, global economic dynamism resides not as much in Europe or the United States but in Asian cities that have emerged as hubs of innovation, trade, and finance. Relocating the UN to Shanghai would acknowledge this reality both symbolically and practically. As China’s foremost financial centre, Shanghai combines safety, world-class infrastructure, global connectivity, and cosmopolitan character, making it a natural host for a universal institution. The economic benefits of such a move—including increased investment and job creation—are also significant. Representation demands that global governance structures be located closer to the regions where most people live and where the future of the world economy is being forged. In this sense, Shanghai would embody a more accurate reflection of the Global South.

The third reason concerns security and diplomatic neutrality. New York suffers from growing urban insecurity, compounded by discriminatory visa practices against diplomats from states at odds with Washington. Such measures undermine the Headquarters Agreement between the US and the UN, which guarantees universal and unrestricted access. By contrast, China offers safety and shows readiness to ensure equal treatment for all states. With its long tradition of commercial openness and cultural exchange, Shanghai could embody the inclusiveness and impartiality the UN needs to preserve its legitimacy.

History provides a compelling precedent. When the League of Nations was created after the First World War, Geneva was chosen precisely because it offered neutrality, accessibility, and an environment conducive to dialogue. The UN’s placement in New York reflected American leadership in the post-war order. Yet keeping the institution in the same location risks reducing it to a relic of a bygone era, rather than allowing it to serve as a beacon for the future. Institutions must evolve with shifting power balances—or risk ossifying into monuments of nostalgia.

Together, these factors reveal a broader shift in the axis of global governance. The strengthening of BRICS, the consolidation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, and the emergence of institutional alternatives to the Western model all signal a reorganization of the global order. Relocating the UN headquarters to Asia would not be a mere symbolic act but a necessary adaptation to a century in which power is shifting eastwards.

Initiating this discussion now is crucial, as it would allow the international community to prepare for a smooth transition of the headquarters to Shanghai by 2035. History shows that institutions which fail to adapt to their times risk becoming irrelevant. For the United Nations to remain the central forum of humanity, it must reflect the world as it truly is. Increasingly, that world revolves around the Asian dynamism that Shanghai embodies.

Kofi Annan once reminded us: “We can love what we are, without hating what—and who—we are not.” To relocate the UN to Shanghai would not be a repudiation of its history in New York, but recognition that humanity’s future demands a broader canvas. By moving eastward, the United Nations would align itself with the realities of our century and renew its universal vocation as the true parliament of humankind. Relocating the UN would foster deeper global cooperation and understanding by positioning it closer to the regions where most people live and where the future of the world’s economy is being shaped.

 

RELATED CONTENT

  • Authors
    Hermine Sam
    April 8, 2025
    The start of 2025 was marked by the official departures of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Now joined in a new organization, the Alliance of Sahel States (Alliance des États du Sahel, AES), the three countries have left ECOWAS facing a legitimacy crisis and concerns for its future. How these blocs decide to interact with each other will greatly influence the future of regional stability and foreign engagements. A divided W ...
  • April 4, 2025
    Les récentes élections au sein de l’Union africaine (UA) ont été défavorables pour le Maroc, qui a perdu face à l’Algérie le poste de vice-président de l’Union et n’a pas été réélu au Conseil de Paix et de Sécurité (CPS). Ce résultat a suscité de l’incompréhension et un sentiment d’échec pour la diplomatie marocaine. Cependant, l’article propose de dépasser cette vision émotionnelle pour analyser les mécanismes d’influence au sein de l’UA. La candidature marocaine évolue dans un env ...
  • April 4, 2025
    The recent elections to the African Union (AU) were unfavorable for Morocco, which lost out to Algeria for the post of Vice-President of the Union and was not re-elected to the Peace and Security Council (PSC). This result was met with incomprehension and a sense of failure on the part of Moroccan diplomacy. However, the article proposes to go beyond this emotional vision to analyze the mechanisms of influence within the AU. The Moroccan candidacy evolves in an institutional environ ...
  • Authors
    March 14, 2025
    The traditional model of Official Development Assistance (ODA) has not only entrenched financial dependence but also served as a tool for geopolitical influence, often prioritizing donor interests over genuine economic self-sufficiency in developing nations. The 2015 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) envisioned a shift towards private investment, but this strategy has largely failed. Capital flight, rising debt burdens, and systemic financial asymmetries have ensured that investm ...
  • Authors
    Gabriela Keseberg Dávalos
    March 7, 2025
    L'article original en anglais a été initialement publié par Devex   La course pour le poste du prochain Secrétaire général de l’Organisation des Nations Unies (ONU), dont la désignation aura lieu en 2026, a commencé, discrètement. À l’occasion de la célébration de la Journée internationale des droits des femmes, il est opportun de réfléchir au fait qu’aucune femme n’a jamais dirigé l’Organisation en 80 ans de son ’existence. Même si le prochain Secrétaire général de l’ON ...
  • Authors
    February 12, 2025
    يستكشف هذا العرض الحاجة الملحة إلى إحداث تحول في النموذج المعتمد حاليّا في عملية تقديم المساعدات الإنسانية، في سياق حالات النزاع وما بعد النزاع، في منطقة الشرق الأوسط وشمال إفريقيا. ويدعو هذا العرض إلى تبني مقاربة ذات "بعد تنموي للمساعدات الإنسانية"، تجمع بين الإغاثة الفورية والأهداف التنموية على المدى الطويل. كما يدعو هذا المقال، من خلال تركيزه على محدودية المساعدات الإنسانية التقليدية، لا سيما في سياق الأزمات الطويلة، مثل: العراق، اليمن، لبنان وغزة، لضرورة تبني آليات تمو ...
  • Authors
    February 6, 2025
    Il était une fois le G5 Sahel… En 2014, cinq pays du Sahel que sont la Mauritanie, le Mali, le Burkina Faso, le Niger et le Tchad décidèrent avec l’appui d’une puissance européenne de se constituer en un groupe d’États appelé G5 Sahel. Les cinq pays se partageaient plusieurs caractéristiques dont principalement l’aspect désertique du territoire avec une vulnérabilité conséquente aux changements climatiques, l’immensité des superficies territoriales (à l’exception du Burkina Faso), ...
  • January 30, 2025
    Depuis le 1er janvier 2024, l'Algérie occupe un siège non-permanent au Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, une occasion pour ce pays de s’assurer une certaine visibilité dans un contexte international dominé par les conflits en Ukraine et à Gaza. Dès l’entame de son mandat, ce pays a été, par la force des choses, le porte-parole à la fois du groupe arabe et du groupe africain  En sa qualité de représentant de l’Afrique, l'Algérie s’est attachée à promouvoir une coordin ...
  • January 24, 2025
    Le 28 mai 2025, la CEDEAO (Communauté Économique des États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest) soufflera sa 50ème bougie, occasion propice pour revenir sur les réalisations et les échecs de cette Organisation régionale. Si l’on s’accorde à reconnaitre la CEDEAO comme une structure d’intégration réussie en Afrique, il n’en demeure pas moins que lui sont reprochés quelques défaillances et échecs. ...