Publications /
Opinion

Back
Senegal’s Presidential Elections: a Test to the Country’s Democratic Credentials
Authors
Mayecor Sar
April 18, 2019

The author is an alumnus of the 2015 Atlantic Dialogues Emerging Leaders program

On the 2nd of April 2019, Macky Sall was sworn in as President of the Republic of Senegal for a second five year term, after scoring a resounding 58.7% victory in the first round of the country’s elections. This solemn official ceremony has brought to a close the bitter contest that opposed the President to four challengers that included two former government ministers (Idrissa Seck and Madicke Niang), a local social media sensation (Ousmane Sonko) and a university professor (Issa Sall).    

Macky Sall’s Victory

Macky Sall’s victory, which was unceremoniously announced by the Head of the National Vote Counting Commission less than a week after the last vote was cast, came amid a confusing situation that saw different camps claiming victory on the night of the election. This episode put Senegal’s whole electoral process under the spotlight, with some even suggesting that Senegal’s reputation as an accomplished democracy was overrated. 

This is the result of a latent climate of mistrust and finger-pointing that has plagued Macky Sall’s whole first term. Indeed, ever since he took office President Sall has been bedeviled by accusations regarding his governance record that, some critics argue, has been illiberal and geared towards setting the perfect conditions for his reelection. 
This reputation stems from the jailing of Karim Wade, the son of Macky Sall’s predecessor, Abdoulaye Wade, and that of the popular mayor of Dakar Khalifa Sall, who the opposition claim are the victims of a politically motivated plot to get rid of Macky Sall’s most serious opponents. 

The Senegalese Democracy

Macky Sall’s supporters argue in return that institutions are strong and independent. They point for example to the new constitution that amongst other things, reduces the Presidential term from 7 to 5 years and reinforces the rights of opposition parties, adopted after the 2016 referendum furthers Senegal’s democracy and freedom.
This war of words reached its apex during the implementation of a controversial sponsorship system, which requires each candidate to garner the signature of a number of patrons, amounting to roughly 0.8% of the voting population. Despite opposition parties and some activist groups crying foul over the whole process, the pool of candidates was reduced to five finalists from a whopping eighty-seven applicants. All in all, whether the opposition’s accusations were justified or not, they only served to weaken Senegal’s hard-earned reputation as a stellar democracy.  

Yet the sentiment on the ground - and that despite many arguing to the contrary - is that Senegal’s democracy remains robust. This view was corroborated by more than 5000 international observers, tasked with monitoring the elections, who described the process as “very good news” for Senegal.      
Moreover, the relatively high participation rate of 66.2% of registered voters (compared to 51% in 2012), seems to point to an inclusive and fair process. Opposition parties seem to agree with that part of the argument. Indeed, their official stance after the results were announced, is that although they disagree with the president on the manner in which the process was conducted, they do not possess enough evidence to formally contest the election results; they thus reluctantly accepted the results. 

What to Expect 

However, as he embarks on his 2nd term, high on the President’s in-tray will be to mend the rift created by the divisions of his first term. He seems to understand this. In his victory speech he invited the opposition parties to discuss ways in which they can collaborate to advance some of the most pressing issues. He also reiterated this point in his inauguration speech. 

As for the Senegalese people, they have voted peacefully, went back to work next day and let institutions such as the National Vote Counting Commission and the Constitutional Council do the rest. This alone is a clear indication of the mutual trust between citizens and their institutions, which is probably a better barometer of Senegal’s democracy than international perception.    

RELATED CONTENT

  • Authors
    January 27, 2023
    La Résolution adoptée à une majorité imposante par les élus européens à Strasbourg le 10 juin 2021 sur « la violation de la Convention des Nations unies relative aux droits de l'enfant et l'instrumentalisation des mineurs par les autorités dans la crise migratoire à Ceuta » (2021/2747/CRSP), ne pouvait que faire date. Décrypter la Résolution La Résolution avait choqué les Marocains au point qu'elle a été rapidement mise de côté sur le moment, comme si on voulait l'oublier le plus ...
  • December 30, 2022
    L’épopée de l’équipe marocaine lors de la Coupe du monde de football, à Doha en 2022, est un évènement immense, évidemment sportif, mais qui dépasse la sphère du sport. C’est un évènement qui concerne évidemment aussi le Maroc mais le dépasse. Son écho a été mondial. Il a été ressenti comme une source de joie, de ferveur et de fierté par les peuples maghrébins, arabes et africains, et plus généralement, par le Sud, qui se sont appropriés cette belle équipe et ...
  • Authors
    Amr Abdelrahim
    December 9, 2022
    Depuis quelques années, l’activisme accru de la politique étrangère égyptienne – dans son voisinage africain, méditerranéen et moyen- oriental – donne l’impression du retour d’une puissance régionale dont l’influence s’est pourtant essoufflée à la fin des années 1960. L’avènement du président Abdel Fattah Al-Sissi marque une rupture avec la « diplomatie réactive » de l’ère Moubarak. Cependant, le pays ne dispose simplement plus de ressources militaires, économiques et ...
  • Authors
    December 9, 2022
    The global wave of democratic retrenchment has not spared North Africa as seen in the cases of Tunisia and Sudan, where democratic transitions have stalled or regressed into autocracy. How do to explain Tunisia and Sudan’s troubled transitions from authoritarian rule? Both states are attempting to transition from single-party authoritarianism. In both cases, economic crises exacerbated by COVID, the Russian-Ukraine war, and involvement by external actors stymied the fragile transiti ...
  • Authors
    Sous la direction de
    Ahmed Rhazaoui
    Alioune Ndiaye
    Benjamin Traoré
    Chidiogo Akunyili
    Eric Ntumba
    Lassina Diarra
    Nchimunya Hamukoma
    Noamane Cherkaoui
    Patrice Kouraogo
    Salma Daoudi
    Souha Majidi
    November 1, 2022
    Dans cette nouvelle édition du Rapport annuel sur la géopolitique de l’Afrique, et à l’instar des éditions précédentes, le maître-mot est la richesse dans la diversité. Une diversité dans les visions et les opinions que des auteurs africains, habitués de cette tribune où qui la découvrent, alimentent en exprimant leurs réflexions sur des questions clés qui intéressent leur continent : l’Afrique. Du cadre social, à celui militaire en passant par les contextes historiques, anthropolog ...
  • Authors
    October 21, 2022
    This Policy Brief addresses the question of Europe's interest in the Nigeria-Morocco Gas Pipeline project. The paper advances six arguments to support this interest and its relevance. 1) The project effectively diversifies European gas resources and provide greater scope for action. 2) Building the pipeline helps create a new generation of measures to curb the asymmetric risks Europe faces. 3) The project mitigates the risk of replacing European dependence on Russian gas with anothe ...
  • October 21, 2022
    The sixth African Peace and Security Annual Conference (APSACO) was held on July 20-21, 2022, under the theme 'African Security in Times of Uncertainties'. The two-day event was composed of five panels and one report discussion.  • Panel 1: The Impact of the Russia-Ukraine War on Africa • Panel 2: Conflict Resolution and w in Africa • Panel 3: The Worsening of the Food-Security Challenge in Africa • Panel 4: Security Implications of Climate Change in Africa • Panel 5: African F ...